The former US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who passed away at the age of 84, was seen as arguably the most significant holders of the vice-presidency in the nation's history. Although countless vice-presidents were limited to peripheral or symbolic functions, Cheney exercised enormous influence during the presidency of George W Bush, so much so that he was frequently described as the "actual president".
Bush objected to that description and said the dynamic was more complicated. He noted that Cheney was courteous, invariably referring to him in official appearances as President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush challenged even characterisations of their relationship as a partnership because it implied that they were peers. Regardless of these denials, Cheney viewed the laidback president accommodating on a whole raft of administrative determinations.
The Aftermath of 9/11
At the head of a group of neo-cons that encompassed defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been taking part in a gathering at a school in Florida. As Bush headed for a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, directing the shooting down of any non-communicating planes approaching the US Capitol.
Cheney said the assaults altered his perspective, causing him to be focused on retaliation. Along with other neo-cons, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a takeover of Afghanistan in an effort to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the military action of Iraq, even though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Disputed Decisions
He voiced no apologies about the military campaign, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis died, or about the waterboarding of suspects apprehended after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was based on inaccurate information echoed by Cheney, was the proper decision. "It represented the proper decision to do then. I had faith at the time and I maintain that stance today."
However even at the time, there were contrary opinions at a top tier about the poor management of Iraq. One of the White House's own representatives to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the post. "I witnessed, at a minimum," he later wrote "true dereliction, negligence, and unaccountability: at worst, deception, ineptitude, and dishonesty."
Broader Context
Cheney was not solely accountable for the Iraq invasion. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for similar measures. He had composed a memorandum outlining scenarios in which US concerns might be endangered (including "availability of essential resources, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the United States should be prepared to operate alone when joint efforts cannot be orchestrated," particularly citing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush also had arrived in the presidency vaguely intent on implementing what his predecessor had famously refused to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. Subsequent to he had been sacked by the president, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his plan of diminishing America's participation in the Middle East dispute and mooted military action against Iraq.
Bush held a individual resentment against Saddam, convinced he had been responsible for a plot to assassinate his parent, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore resented that one of the biggest accommodations in Baghdad had a ground design with a image of his parent's visage that each person had to step on.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was part of the most outspoken advocating invading Iraq, consistently referencing agency briefings that were both thin or totally deceptive. He supported what the Bush government indirectly described as "advanced techniques", the employment of interrogation method and physical pressure.
Responding to a Senate report in 2014 that concluded that no useful information had been obtained through the interrogation methods, Cheney disregarded the conclusions as "full of crap". He informed Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to implement measures and establish initiatives to apprehend the perpetrators who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it never happened again. That was specifically what they did and they merit a lot of praise."
Public Image
Cheney enjoyed labels given to him by opponents such as Darth Vader and the dark figure, and by the idea that he was a dark force directing Bush. In the author's 2013 book about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Is it me who is the malevolent mastermind in the shadows that operates invisibly emerge from his hole? That is a advantageous way to operate, truthfully."
Commercial Ties
Dispute over his corporate affiliations accompanied him throughout his time as VP. While he had minimal expertise in corporate affairs but strong connections in security, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's largest oil and gas companies, in 1995 as chair and chief executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's VP candidate for the White House. Controversially, during the military campaign, Halliburton was awarded US agreements valued at billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His yearly compensation during his period at the firm increased from his $258,394 during his time as defence secretary to over four million. When he departed in 2000 he had a severance arrangement totaling over $20m|twenty
